“HOW SHOULD CHILD WELL-BEING
BE MEASURED IN VIEW OF FUTURE DEVELOPMENT FRAMEWORKS?”
Open from Wednesday 19 June
until Tuesday 2 July 2013.
The discussion will be officially
launched at the
HBSC 30th Anniversary Meeting and aims to
spark discussion on the most effective means of measuring child well-being and
how these measures should be applied to upcoming development frameworks.
This discussion seeks to explore
a variety of questions including:
What is the actual state of child well-being today?
What are the most important domains of well-being – specifically for
children?
What policies have had the most impact on children in the past?
Should there be a child development goal in the Post 2015 framework?
We would like to hear your views, lessons learned and best practices or policies on
measuring child well-being.
Background
Measuring child
well-being has traditionally rested on economic measures such as Gross Domestic
Product (GDP); however, it is now widely accepted that the well-being of the
nation is influenced by a broad range of factors including economic
performance, quality of life, the state of the environment, sustainability,
equality, as well as individual well-being.
Over the last decade,
organisations around the world have been developing new indicators of progress
that look beyond GDP and economic growth when measuring child well-being.
The well-being of children is
high on the agenda for policy makers and this online consultation, hosted by
Wikichild, seeks to engage discussion on the most effective means of measuring
child well-being and how these measures should be applied to upcoming development
frameworks such as the Post-2015 agenda.
The underlying argument is that these new kinds of data, stemming from individuals and communities as they go about their daily lives, contain insights into their experiences that we can mine to help them in return. This idea can be traced back to a much-cited 2009 paper, which found that light emissions picked up by satellites could track GDP growth.
So it seems only logical, and very appealing, to claim that the same data and tools could be deployed tomonitor poverty, and may even be conducive to a leap-frogging of statistical systems. Although the term Big Data is absent from the report of the High-Level Panel on the post-2015 framework, it is hard not to read it between the lines of the development data revolution it sketches.
But conceptual clarity, practical guidance, ethical considerations and innovative foresight have too often been lacking, leaving an open field for sceptics who have long stressed the risks and challenges of Big Dataor insisted that the real revolution is small data (or long data). Findings that Google got flu wrong this year in the US have cast additional doubt on Internet-based data’s reliability, representativeness, and thus relevance, to inform policy decisions, while the revelations about PRISM have raised concerns over privacy to a whole new level. But recent publications and debates have shed direct light on some of the specific promise, challenges and requirements of leveraging Big Data to improve current, and perhaps develop alternative, measures of poverty and welfare.
In particular, a paper showed that cell-phone records from a major city in Latin America could help predict socioeconomic levels, poverty’s first cousins. This was done by matching CDR-inferred behavioural data and official statistics on socio-economic levels, using supervised machine learning techniques to unveil how differences in socioeconomic levels typically ‘showed’ in cell-phone data, and back. This example illustrates a key and seemingly purpose-defeating requirement for developing models and algorithms able to translate digital data into indicators of the social world: the availability of ‘ground truth’ indicators of the social world (such as survey data) used to build and validate the models.
But this does not mean that Big Data is useless, or rather superfluous, in such contexts: indeed, assuming a sufficiently high and time-resistant level of accuracy (internal validity), CDR data would then provide some sense of changes in socio-economic levels that would not get captured until the next official survey.
The problem is evidently more acute in places where no such data exist, ie precisely where alternative indicators are most needed. One avenue would be to apply ‘matching’ rules developed elsewhere to local CDRs. But the resulting ‘alternative’ indicators will be highly conjectural because the underlying algorithm may not pass the test of external validity: applying a model matching CDRs and socio-economic levels developed using CDRs and Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) data from Côte d’Ivoire to a neighbouring country, may yield misleading values because of cross-country differences. In such a case, the question is: is any data better than no data at all?
Another recent paper studying the impact of biases in mobile-phone ownership on estimates of human mobility inferred from CDRs is also worth mentioning for two reasons. One is its key finding: that CDR-based estimates of mobility appeared to be surprisingly robust to substantial biases in phone ownership, which may turn out to be equally true for measures of welfare. The other is its research question and method: asking how accurate a picture of the social world some Big Data streams may paint, given, or in spite of, their inherent biases, drawing (again) on survey data as ’ground truth data’.
Noteworthy investment and progress are also visible in the critical strand of research (and advocacy) on privacy-preserving analysis. In particular, researchers, using CDRs for mobility analysis too, have developed an algorithm that uses an emerging technique known as ‘differential privacy’ that injects ‘noise’ into the model at points in order to reduce the likelihood of individual re-identification.
Although not directly concerned with poverty these papers are important because they point specifically to the methodological avenues and leads that need to be explored to develop privacy-preserving Big Data capacities that may, in time, help monitor poverty.
It is also crucial to note that Big Data is not only about data production (and analysis), but also about data consumption (and exchange). If we care about adequately monitoring human welfare, we should account for the consumption of free data. Think of the hours spent on social media in cyber-cafés, and increasingly on cellphones, around the world, that provide a ‘consumer surplus’ not captured in any official statistics. The caveat may not apply to the poorest of the poor, but there is no reason to consider that a problem receiving increasing attention in developed countries is irrelevant to developing countries where Internet penetration is growing much faster. In other words: Big Data do not stand apart from the quantities and phenomena to be measured but add to the measurement problem.
The related, and perhaps even more critical, point here is that the rise of data-driven activities is deemed to render GDP (and GDP per capita) less and less relevant over time as the measure of human welfare it was never intended to be. The argument that monetary poverty and GDP per capita are very crude indicators of human progress is not new, but Big Data may prove instrumental in devising true alternative measures.
A few take-away messages emerge. First, for the purposes of poverty monitoring or development more broadly, “Big Data” is not about size, but about the qualitative nature of these data trails—what some refer to as “digital breadcrumbs”. Second, Big Data is not even primarily about the data but about the carefulness of their analysis, which requires even more, not less, contextual and ethnographic grounding. Third, Big Data is also about data consumption, not just production. Lastly, much more conceptual, empirical and methodological work is needed before Big Data can be leveraged concretely and safely for poverty monitoring; but Big Data may in time fundamentally change how we measure, and perhaps even fight, poverty.
Speaking
at the OECD World Forum last year Professor Stiglitz used his platform to
highlight three countries that were leading the way on measuring wellbeing:
Canada, with its Canadian
Index on Wellbeing; Bhutan with Gross National
Happiness and Scotland.
While the first two are well known in the international debate on
measuring wellbeing, Scotland Performs is not often referred to. Mention wellbeing in a UK context and most
people will automatically assume you are referring to the Office of National
Statistics Measuring
National Wellbeingprogramme.
So what is
a small country, a devolved government within the United Kingdom, up to? Why haven’t more people heard about it? And why did Professor Stiglitz single it out?
The
Scottish experience of measuring wellbeing began in 2007. A new minority government had been formed by
the Scottish National Party and they were keen to find a different way of doing
things. They implemented a range of
changes which became known as the ‘Scottish
model of government’. These
included the removal of horizontal departments in central government and, at a
vertical level, the freeing up of local government. The links between sectors and layers of
government were to be held together by a new National Performance Framework (NPF)
focused on the outcomes that the Scottish Government wanted to achieve for the
people of Scotland. The NPF is headed up
by a purpose statement (to focus government on ‘creating a more successful
country, with opportunities for all of Scotland to flourish, through increasing
sustainable economic growth’), underpinned by 16 national outcomes and 50
national indicators. The indicators
include measures covering health, education, environment, income, housing,
personal security and subjective wellbeing.
It is a whole-of-government framework and as such applies to all
services and all layers of government.
Originally
the NPF was not referred to as a wellbeing measurement initiative. It was seen as a performance management and
accountability tool. But the use of the
word ‘flourishing’ in the Framework shows the link with the work of Professor
Seligman in the USA. By 2011, and following
the Carnegie
Roundtable on Measuring Economic Performance and Social Progress, the
Scottish Government (now re-elected with a majority) were clearly articulating
the National Performance Framework and Scotland Performs (its public facing
website) as a wellbeing initiative.
This
history explains why few people in the measuring wellbeing world appear to have
heard about Scotland
Performs but there are other reasons. Unlike most of the international examples of
good practice, the Scottish initiative did not directly engage members of the
public in a conversation about what wellbeing is to them. Similarly, alongside many international
examples that we found in our earlier case studies for Shifting
the Dial, the Scottish initiative struggles to find ways to
communicate with the public about its findings.
What the
Scottish approach does excel at though is its impact on policy
development. This is the area that
wellbeing initiatives struggle most with.
In particular, the Scottish NPF has helped with two key areas of policy
development:
·Shifting to prevention: The
wellbeing perspective has encouraged decision-makers to look for creative ways
of improving wellbeing by focusing ‘up-stream’.
In Scotland the NPF has supported the development of initiatives such as
the Early Years Collaborative, which focuses on improving early childhood
services and initiatives such as the Violence Reduction Unit in Glasgow which
seek to reduce the level of offending in high-risk groups.
·Joined
up solutions: the National Performance Framework provides government with a
holistic view of the impact of current policies. This was followed by a renewed emphasis on
finding joined up solutions and overcoming the dominant, silo-based way of
working, for example through the integration of health and adult social care.
These
developments are still at an early stage and it is unclear the extent to which
they amount to a whole-scale wellbeing approach to public policy. In the ‘black
box’ of policy making it is also unclear the extent to which these policy
changes were developed because of the NPF, supported by it, or
merely just parallel initiatives.
Despite
these caveats, we believe there is something interesting happening in
Scotland. We are working with Oxfam
Scotland and Scottish Environment Link to encourage the Scottish Government to
review the framework, bringing it more in line with international best practice
on wellbeing measurement.
With
international agreement that we must measure what matters, the focus must now
transfer to how to use this in a policy context. Here, despite starting from a different
place, Scotland may well be ahead of the game.